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The Weekly Newsletter of MIT Linguistics

Ling-Lunch 3/31 - Micha Breakstone

Speaker: Micha Breakstone
Title: Inherent Evaluativity
Time: Thursday, March 31, 12:30-1:45pm
Location: 32-D461

Two related challenges have been the focus of research on the semantics of degree constructions. The first is the distribution of Measure Phrases (MPs), and the second concerns the distribution of evaluative readings. A theory of MP distribution should account for e.g. (1).

1. a. John is 6 feet tall.           b. *John is 3 feet short.

Evaluativity (aka ‘norm-relatedness’) may be defined as the phenomenon in which the interpretation of an adjective in a given construction is dependent on a contextual standard. A theory of evaluativity should explain the pattern which emerges in (2) [(+E) denotes Evaluative].

2.  a. John is tall. (+E)e. John is short. (+E)
b. How tall is John? (-E) f. How short is John? (+E)
c. John is as tall as Mary. (-E) g. John is as short as Mary. (+E)
d. John is taller than Mary. (-E)      h. John is shorter than Mary. (-E)

It has been noted (Bierwisch 1989, Sassoon 2008) that these challenges are related: Adjectives that do not license MPs (1b) are evaluative in equatives and degree questions (2g,f). The goal of this talk is to meet these two challenges and account for the correlation noted by Bierwisch.

Previous approaches assume a semantics for gradable adjectives under which evaluativity must enter independently (see Rett (2008), Cresswell (1976)) and for which explaining MP distribution entails additional assumptions (with Bierwisch’s correlation left unexplained). I will present an alternative under which evaluativity is an inherent part of the semantics. Instead of accounting for evaluativity, the challenge will be to do away with it. As it turns out this simple reflective move holds promise of significant explanatory power.