Whamit!

The Weekly Newsletter of MIT Linguistics

Issue of Monday, April 29th, 2024

Minicourse 4/29 — 5/3: Yosef Grodzinsky (The Hebrew University)

Who: Yosef Grodzinsky (The Hebrew University)
Where: 32-D461
When:
4/29 (Mon), 1-2pm
4/30 (Tues), 10-11am
5/1 (Wed), 1-2pm
5/2 (Thurs), 10-11am
5/3 (Wed), 3-4pm
 
Title: The Neuroscience of Linguistic Knowledge
Abstract: Experiments are expensive and time consuming. Theory construction is cheap (though time consuming, too). Why do linguists need psycho- and neuro-linguistic experiments? This short mini-course will try to provide good reasons for experimental investigations of the neural bases of linguistic knowledge. It would demonstrate how linguistics and neuroscience can, in fact must, work together. The talks:
  1. Four current approaches to neurolinguistics
  2. Anatomic micro-modules: microscopic anatomy and its linguistic relevance
  3. Functional micro-modules: the psycho- and neuro-semantics of monotonicity
  4. Notorious variability: The neuroanatomical bases of movement
  5. Linguistic theory and its enemies
  6. Time permitting: Real-life linguistics – clinical applications in awake neurosurgery

 

MorPhun 5/2 - James Cooper Roberts (MIT)

Speaker: James Cooper Roberts (MIT)
Title: A Kalinian perspective on internal reduplication and its consequences
Time: Thursday, May 2nd, 5pm - 6pm
Location: 32-D769

Abstract: The true identity of infixes was a topic of much speculation in some corners of morphology. However, it was not until Kalin (2022) that we saw any hard evidence to inform an analysis. Considering cross-linguistic evidence from allomorphy, Kalin concludes that infixes are indeed (underlyingly) prefixes or suffixes. That is, infixes begin their lives at the edge of the root and are pushed to their pivot inside of the root. In her eyes, infixation is a finely timed process where exponent choice must precede infixation, which in turn must precede prosodification.

Kalin’s proposal is an exciting one, but there is one noteworthy gap in her proposal. In a Distributed Morphology framework, reduplication is accomplished by a special morpheme often glossed as RED. This morpheme is phonemically underspecified, instead consisting of a set of copying instructions which duplicate segments from a root. If we assume that internal reduplication is likewise a case of infixation, and RED enters the morphosyntax the same way any other morpheme does, when does this copying occur? Furthermore, is this order universal, or is there variation cross-linguistically? In a survey of genetically-diverse languages, Roberts (2023) finds that there is in fact cross-linguistic variation on when reduplication occurs relative to infixation. From this perspective, local internal reduplication can be thought of as a case where copying happens after infixation, and non-local internal reduplication is a case where copying happens before infixation.

However, proponents of Optimality Theory and related phonological frameworks may take issue with the assumptions of Roberts (2023) and Kalin (2022). For one, there is good reason to conclude that infixation is at least sometimes the result of phonological optimization rather than an arbitrary morphological process (e.g., McCarthy (2003)). Furthermore, reduplication can be thought of simply in terms of a correspondence between an output and itself. In a constraint-based framework, the facts of internal reduplication as they currently stand can be analyzed with independently-motivated constraints. Ergo, critics may rightfully wonder whether the theoretical machinery employed in Roberts (2023) (time of reduplication, “direction” of copying, etc.) is really necessary to account for the data.

In this presentation, I discuss these competing analyses in detail. I begin with an overview of Kalin (2022) and a detailed summary of Roberts (2023). I then discuss the analytical cost of such an approach to internal reduplication, and what we gain from it. This is followed by a summary of OT approaches to infixation and reduplication as both separate and combined phenomena, and I conclude with a discussion on the predictions of the two theories and how future work could inform the debate.

Syntax Square 4/30 - Gianluca Porta (Ulster University)

Speaker: Gianluca Porta (Ulster University)
Title: Causing extraction
Time: Tuesday, April 30th, 1pm - 2pm
Location: 32-D461

Abstract: A well-known distinction between arguments and adjuncts is that only the former allow extraction. A number of reasons for the island status of adjuncts have been proposed (e.g. Haung’s (1982) CED). Recent experimental studies challenged the categorical island status of adjuncts. In this talk I will present data that suggest that there can be extraction from them, and I will propose a theory to account for the data. I will show that an adjunct becomes transparent when there is a relationship of causation between the adjunct (the causing event) and the matrix clause (the caused event). I will apply this theory to two types of adjuncts: English temporal clauses and purpose clauses. While these clauses differ in a number of ways, they offer similar insights w.r.t. to what makes an adjunct transparent.

Phonology Circle 4/29 - Jon Rawski (MIT) and Zhouyi Sun (MIT)

Speaker: Jon Rawski (MIT) and Zhouyi Sun (MIT)
Title: Tensor Product Representations of Phonological Constraints and Transformations
Time: Monday, April 29th, 5pm - 6:30pm
Location: 32-D831

Abstract: A crowning achievement of connectionist modeling in phonology embedded symbolic structures using tensors as an intermediary to neural computation, and used optimization over such structures to compute well-formedness (a la OT, HG, etc). However, there has been considerable difficulty restricting these models to match the upper computational bounds of phonology (regular languages and functions) since almost every constraint-interaction formalism computes supra-regular patterns with ease, and many are either Turing complete or uncomputable. We will discuss our recent attempt to circumvent this gap, by directly embedding both (sub)regular constraints and transformations into the tensor calculus used by constraint-interaction models. We will use finite model theory to characterize objects like strings, trees, graphs, and even input-output pairs as relational structures. Logical statements meeting certain criteria over these models define various classes of constraints and transformations. The semantics of such statements can be compiled into tensors, using multilinear maps as function application for evaluation. We show how this works for varieties of First-order and Monadic Second-Order definable constraints and transformations, and compare to previous work on correspondence constraints using model theory.

LingLunch 5/2 - Tanya Bondarenko (Harvard)

Speaker: Tanya Bondarenko (Harvard)
Title: TBA
Time: Thursday, May 2nd, 12:30pm - 2pm
Location: 32-D461

Abstract: TBA

MIT @ CLS 60

The 60th annual meeting of the Chicago Lingusitic Society (CLS60) was held on April 26—April 28, 2024. The following members of the department made presentations:

  • Shrayana Haldar (3rd year PhD student): Threefold ambiguity between Strong Necessity, Permission, and Weak Necessity in a Bengali Modal.
  • Giovanni Roversi (4th year PhD student): Exceptional A’-extraction in Austronesian informs theories of voice systems
  • Anastasia Tsilia (3rd year PhD student) & Zhuoye Zhao: Why is then incompatible with the present?
  • Yurika Aonuki (2nd year PhD student): Inherent context sensitivity in two unrelated degreeful languages
  • Kai von Fintel (Faculty): Unasked questions (Invited talk)
  • Tanya Bondarenko (PhD, 2022): Building the meaning of a long-distance question via prolepsis: the case of Georgian

 

(Photo credit: Giovanni Roversi)

MIT @ WSCLA 27


This past weekend, April 26-28, the 27th Workshop on Structure and Constituency in Languages of the Americas (WSCLA 27) was hosted at the University of Toronto. Several current and former MIT linguists presented at the conference:

  • Peter Grishin (Postdoc, PhD 2023): The Syntax and Semantics of Passamaquoddy-Wolastoqey modals
  • Line Mikkelsen, Emily Clem, Michelle Yuan (PhD 2018), and Ellen Thrane (unaffiliated): Apparent Cross-Clausal Agreement with Obliques in Kalaallisut is Prolepsis
  • James Crippen (McGill) and Jessica Coon (PhD 2010): Linguistics for Indigenous Language Study: A Course in Development
    Marta Donazzan, Hamida Demirdache (PhD 1991), Ana Lucia Müller, and Hongyuan Sun: On the Interpretation and Analysis of Covert Tense: Evidence from Karitiana