Speaker: Amy Rose Deal (UC Berkeley)
Title: Pseudo-de re, generalized
Time: Thursday, March 6th, 12:30pm - 2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: Let’s call an element of an attitude report “exportable” if it can be replaced with a co-extensional element salva veritate. In linguistic semantics, the long-standing analysis of exportable terms in attitude reports runs on acquaintance: the attitude holder is acquainted with the referent of the exportable term (under a guise/description). Serious problems for the acquaintance requirement have been known about since the 1970s. Some recent attempts to grapple with them have called for a wholesale replacement of the acquaintance-based semantics; others have called for an acquaintance-based semantics for some cases but not others. I present an argument for a theory of the second type, wherein there is indeed a non-acquaintance-based semantics available for exportable terms (“pseudo-de re”), which is indeed highly generalized, but which can in certain linguistic phenomena be productively contrasted with true acquaintance-based semantics.
Issue of Monday, March 3rd, 2025
LingLunch 3/6 - Amy Rose Deal (UC Berkeley)
Colloquium 3/7: Amy Rose Deal (UC Berkeley)
Speaker: Amy Rose Deal (UC Berkeley)
Title: Case sensitivity reflects case structure: agreement, extraction, and clitics
Time: Friday, March 7th, 3.30-5pm
Location: 32-141
Abstract: A variety of syntactic phenomena seem to be conditioned by morphological case (an effect known variously as ‘case discrimination’, ‘case targeting’, ‘case opacity’, or simply ‘case sensitivity’). In this talk I address three such phenomena—-phi-agreement, A’ movement, and clitic-doubling—-with the eye to two related questions: What is the representation of (marked) case on a nominal? And how are syntactic operations sensitive to this representation? In place of the relatively standard view of case as a feature on a DP, I argue that a full understanding of case sensitivity in syntactic operations calls for a view of (marked) case as a structure around DP, i.e. a KP. Treating case assignment as structure addition, and case sensitivity as structure sensitivity, I show how we can capture proposed hierarchies of case sensitivity in phi-agreement (Bobaljik 2008) and A’ movement (Otsuka 2006), as well as a novel case-hierarchy effect in the realm of clitic-doubling.
Speaker: Amy Rose Deal (UC Berkeley)
Title: Case sensitivity reflects case structure: agreement, extraction, and clitics
Time: Friday, March 7th, 3.30-5pm
Location: 32-141
Abstract: A variety of syntactic phenomena seem to be conditioned by morphological case (an effect known variously as ‘case discrimination’, ‘case targeting’, ‘case opacity’, or simply ‘case sensitivity’). In this talk I address three such phenomena—-phi-agreement, A’ movement, and clitic-doubling—-with the eye to two related questions: What is the representation of (marked) case on a nominal? And how are syntactic operations sensitive to this representation? In place of the relatively standard view of case as a feature on a DP, I argue that a full understanding of case sensitivity in syntactic operations calls for a view of (marked) case as a structure around DP, i.e. a KP. Treating case assignment as structure addition, and case sensitivity as structure sensitivity, I show how we can capture proposed hierarchies of case sensitivity in phi-agreement (Bobaljik 2008) and A’ movement (Otsuka 2006), as well as a novel case-hierarchy effect in the realm of clitic-doubling.