Second-year student Cooper Roberts presented a paper on October 25 at an online workshop devoted to Puzzles of Agreement: Syntactic, Semantic, and Psycholinguistic perspectives. His talk, entitled “Half of an answer: on agreement with fraction partitives”, proposed an analysis of some puzzling agreement patterns in English nominals like one-third of the students, and suggests a way to think about analogous constructions elsewhere in Indo-European. The workshop was organized by linguists at UMass Amherst, ZAS Berlin, the University of Toronto, and the University of Bucharest.
Issue of Monday, October 28th, 2024
Kenstowicz in linguistics encyclopedia
Congratulations to Michael Kenstowicz, whose article surveying (and entitled) “Generative phonology” has just been published in the second edition of Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics edited by Keith Brown (Elsevier)!
Congratulations to Michael Kenstowicz, whose article surveying (and entitled) “Generative phonology” has just been published in the second edition of Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics edited by Keith Brown (Elsevier)!
LingLunch 10/31 — Kyle Johnson (UMass Amherst)
Speaker: Kyle Johnson (University of Massachusetts, Amherst)
Title: Presupposing Principle A
Time: Thursday, 31 October 2024, 12:30-2:00PM
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: We examine an argument that Principle A effects derive from a presupposition that is introduced when reflexives exist. We sketch a way of doing that which places the presupposition trigger at the A-probe where possible antecedents for reflexives can be found. And finally we examine the idea that Principles A and B are the result of a competition between pronouns and reflexives in expressing local covaluation.
Speaker: Kyle Johnson (University of Massachusetts, Amherst)
Title: Presupposing Principle A
Time: Thursday, 31 October 2024, 12:30-2:00PM
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: We examine an argument that Principle A effects derive from a presupposition that is introduced when reflexives exist. We sketch a way of doing that which places the presupposition trigger at the A-probe where possible antecedents for reflexives can be found. And finally we examine the idea that Principles A and B are the result of a competition between pronouns and reflexives in expressing local covaluation.
Colloquium talk 11/01 - Nathan Sanders (University of Toronto)
Speaker: Nathan Sanders (University of Toronto)
Title: Effective teaching in phonetics and phonology
Time: Friday, November 1, 3:30-5pm
Location: 32-141
Abstract: In this talk, I offer some reflections from my own experience concerning how instructors can be more effective when teaching phonetics and phonology. First, I discuss ideas to consider when developing course content, such as topic organization, applications of course concepts, and inclusivity. Second, I discuss innovative methods for supplementing traditional assessment, such as creative projects and alternative grading. Finally, I illustrate some tools I designed to support student learning: various educational games and a data set generator. My hope is that these ideas, methods, and tools may be as useful to other instructors as they have been for me.
Speaker: Nathan Sanders (University of Toronto)
Title: Effective teaching in phonetics and phonology
Time: Friday, November 1, 3:30-5pm
Location: 32-141
Abstract: In this talk, I offer some reflections from my own experience concerning how instructors can be more effective when teaching phonetics and phonology. First, I discuss ideas to consider when developing course content, such as topic organization, applications of course concepts, and inclusivity. Second, I discuss innovative methods for supplementing traditional assessment, such as creative projects and alternative grading. Finally, I illustrate some tools I designed to support student learning: various educational games and a data set generator. My hope is that these ideas, methods, and tools may be as useful to other instructors as they have been for me.
LF Reading Group 10/30 — Shrayana Haldar (MIT)
Speaker: Shrayana Haldar (MIT)
Title: Why Derive Uniqueness of Definites from Contextual Contradiction? A Case from Bengali
Time: Wednesday, October 30, 1pm - 2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: This is Part II of the two-part talk that began last week. In last week’s talk, I showed the theoretical possibility of deriving the uniqueness presupposition of definites from the contextual contradictions that arise when there’s a PEX operator inside an indefinite DP. This week, we’ll see this potentially in action in Bengali. The central observation is that, in Bengali, DPs with the numeral NP order have an indefinite reading and those with the NP numeral order have a definite reading, and the definite reading has usually been associated with a DP-internal NP movement past the numeral (Bhattacharya 1998, 1999). However, a definite reading arises nonetheless when DPs with the numeral NP order bears an extra [-i] morpheme, along with a cleft reading. When we look closely, we see that the [-i] morpheme really gives rise to cleft-like semantics in completely unrelated cases, needs to have the semantics as PEX, and the definite reading that arises from it is in complementary distribution with the definite reading that arises from the DP-internal NP movement past the numeral. This strictly ties the definite readings of numeral NP DPs with [-i] to the [-i] morpheme itself, attaching inside the DP (and thus, perhaps, fulfilling the featural needs that the DP-internal NP movement would have otherwise fulfilled.) This is exactly parallel to the hypothetical case we considered last week. Therefore, Bengali gives us empirical reasons to rethink the syntax-semantics of definites in terms of indefinites with a PEX/cleft morpheme. In other words, definites are perhaps clefts of a certain sort — those that are embedded inside indefinites.
Speaker: Shrayana Haldar (MIT)
Title: Why Derive Uniqueness of Definites from Contextual Contradiction? A Case from Bengali
Time: Wednesday, October 30, 1pm - 2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: This is Part II of the two-part talk that began last week. In last week’s talk, I showed the theoretical possibility of deriving the uniqueness presupposition of definites from the contextual contradictions that arise when there’s a PEX operator inside an indefinite DP. This week, we’ll see this potentially in action in Bengali. The central observation is that, in Bengali, DPs with the numeral NP order have an indefinite reading and those with the NP numeral order have a definite reading, and the definite reading has usually been associated with a DP-internal NP movement past the numeral (Bhattacharya 1998, 1999). However, a definite reading arises nonetheless when DPs with the numeral NP order bears an extra [-i] morpheme, along with a cleft reading. When we look closely, we see that the [-i] morpheme really gives rise to cleft-like semantics in completely unrelated cases, needs to have the semantics as PEX, and the definite reading that arises from it is in complementary distribution with the definite reading that arises from the DP-internal NP movement past the numeral. This strictly ties the definite readings of numeral NP DPs with [-i] to the [-i] morpheme itself, attaching inside the DP (and thus, perhaps, fulfilling the featural needs that the DP-internal NP movement would have otherwise fulfilled.) This is exactly parallel to the hypothetical case we considered last week. Therefore, Bengali gives us empirical reasons to rethink the syntax-semantics of definites in terms of indefinites with a PEX/cleft morpheme. In other words, definites are perhaps clefts of a certain sort — those that are embedded inside indefinites.
Phonology Circle 10/28 — Yu (MIT) and Frischoff & Rasin (MIT)
Phonology Circle on Monday, October 28, will have two practice presentations for the upcoming AMP conference:
Time: Monday, October 28 5pm-7pm
Location: 32-D831
Speaker #1: Bingzi Yu (MIT)
Title: Learners’ generalization of alternation patterns from ambiguous data
Abstract: A key question in the study of phonological acquisition is how learners acquire a pattern from data compatible with multiple possible generalizations. For example, the phonotactic data {[pita], [bida], [fisa], [viza]}, regarding consonant harmony, is consistent with the following generalizations:a simple Voicing harmony generalization: [ɑ voi][ɑ voi]a simple Continuancy harmony generalization: [β cont][β cont]a complex Voicing+Continuancy harmony generalization: [ɑ voi, β cont][ɑ voi, β cont]Durvasula and Liter (2020) investigated the acquisition of the above phonotactic pattern and found that learners preferred the simplest generalization and were able to keep track of multiple such generalizations, i.e., both (1) and (2). The current study employed the ALL paradigm to examine how learners generalize when presented with ambiguous alternation data. We found that participants acquired only a single simplest generalization, which diverges from the results of phonotactic learning but aligns with the simplicity bias.
Speaker #2: Alma Frischoff (MIT) and Ezer Rasin (MIT and Tel Aviv University)
Title: Unattested opaque interactions are Input Strictly Local
Abstract: Input Strictly Local (ISL) Maps have been proposed by Chandlee (2014) as a function class that is claimed to properly characterize the notion of process locality in phonology. Chandlee, Heinz, and Jardine (2018) have extended this claim from individual processes to process interaction, showing that a range of attested (local) opaque interactions belong to the ISL class. They conclude that in terms of their typological predictions, ISL maps compare favorably to rule-based and constraint-based theories of opaque interactions. We contribute to the evaluation of the ISL class by showing that opaque interactions that have been argued to be unattested – mutual counterfeeding and mutual counterbleeding – are also ISL. We conclude that while ISL maps may provide a useful characterization of the locality of individual processes, as proposed by Chandlee (2014), they are lacking as a model of process interaction because of their over-reliance on the input.
Phonology Circle on Monday, October 28, will have two practice presentations for the upcoming AMP conference:
Time: Monday, October 28 5pm-7pm
Location: 32-D831
Speaker #1: Bingzi Yu (MIT)
Title: Learners’ generalization of alternation patterns from ambiguous data
Abstract: A key question in the study of phonological acquisition is how learners acquire a pattern from data compatible with multiple possible generalizations. For example, the phonotactic data {[pita], [bida], [fisa], [viza]}, regarding consonant harmony, is consistent with the following generalizations:a simple Voicing harmony generalization: [ɑ voi][ɑ voi]a simple Continuancy harmony generalization: [β cont][β cont]a complex Voicing+Continuancy harmony generalization: [ɑ voi, β cont][ɑ voi, β cont]Durvasula and Liter (2020) investigated the acquisition of the above phonotactic pattern and found that learners preferred the simplest generalization and were able to keep track of multiple such generalizations, i.e., both (1) and (2). The current study employed the ALL paradigm to examine how learners generalize when presented with ambiguous alternation data. We found that participants acquired only a single simplest generalization, which diverges from the results of phonotactic learning but aligns with the simplicity bias.
Speaker #2: Alma Frischoff (MIT) and Ezer Rasin (MIT and Tel Aviv University)
Title: Unattested opaque interactions are Input Strictly Local
Abstract: Input Strictly Local (ISL) Maps have been proposed by Chandlee (2014) as a function class that is claimed to properly characterize the notion of process locality in phonology. Chandlee, Heinz, and Jardine (2018) have extended this claim from individual processes to process interaction, showing that a range of attested (local) opaque interactions belong to the ISL class. They conclude that in terms of their typological predictions, ISL maps compare favorably to rule-based and constraint-based theories of opaque interactions. We contribute to the evaluation of the ISL class by showing that opaque interactions that have been argued to be unattested – mutual counterfeeding and mutual counterbleeding – are also ISL. We conclude that while ISL maps may provide a useful characterization of the locality of individual processes, as proposed by Chandlee (2014), they are lacking as a model of process interaction because of their over-reliance on the input.