Speaker: David Pesetsky (MIT)
Title: A Sparse Theory of Argument Alternations
Time: Thursday, February 19th, 12:30pm – 2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: Argument alternations such as active~passive are common in the languages of the world, with several stable properties. Consequently, we should seek a maximally sparse account of such alternations that does not stipulate their existence by positing alternation-specific entities such as VoiceP or special probes. Ideally, these alternations and their properties should emerge as by-products of the interaction of more fundamental entities and operations. This talk argues for a sparse theory of argument alternations in that vein, in which two components interact to yield their existence and key properties, building on Collins (2005, 2024) and influenced by Newman (2025) and discussion in last Spring’s seminar co-taught with Peter Grishin. Neither is specific to argument alternations; both merely generalize phenomena already known from other domains.
- Generalized Dependent Case: The flagging of local c-command relations familiar under the rubric dependent case is not limited to nominals. Non-nominal phrases such as VP may both trigger and receive dependent case as well. This provides an account of morphemes specific to one alternant in an alternation, including passive morphology on V and by-phrase morphology, as well as morphemes that emerge and disappear in ditransitive alternations. Their presence correlates with the presence/absence of hyperlocal VP-fronting.
- Generalized Insatiability: The “Merge XP” feature on a head may apply more than once to the same element so long as some new c-command relation is created (i.e. so long as something changes). This permits hyperlocal complement-to-specifier movement over an intervening element (contra Abels 2003) – offering a simplification and new characterization of the VP-fronting central to Collins’ accounts of passive and other argument alternations. No alternation-specific feature drives this movement. It is just the same Merge feature that added the complement in the first place.